The Labour Party’s 1983 manifesto was heavily influenced by the party’s leftwing. It called for unilateral nuclear disarmament, higher taxes, withdrawal from the European Economic Community and greater state control of the economy. The leftwing believed these policies had great appeal but the party slumped to its worst defeat since 1935.
Tony Benn was the figurehead of the Labour Party’s left. He had a strong influence on the party during the 1970s and 1980s. Benn believed the party should stick with the policies of 1983. But such was the scale of the defeat this looked unrealistic even to some of those who had once supported him.
Despite the defeat – which saw Labour nearly come in third place to the SDP-Liberal Alliance in the popular vote - as this article suggests Benn believed the 1983 election result represented a moral triumph upon which the party should build.
“… for the first time since 1945 a political party with an openly socialist policy has received the support of 8½ million people. … it is indeed astonishing that Socialism has reappeared once more on the national agenda and has won such a large vote … the Labour manifesto commanded the loyalty of millions of voters and a democratic socialist bridgehead has been established from which further advances in public understanding and support can be made.
…It is no wonder that the establishment still fears the Labour Party and its ideas so much. For they know that it is the only real challenge to their privileges.”
In 1992 Kinnock faced a divided Conservative government in the midst of a recession. Many believed this was Labour’s best chance since 1974 to win office. Despite a slick and confident campaign, Kinnock failed once again.
On home ownership: ‘It’s what you would dream of, having your own place, you think I’m doing really well, my own house, nice furniture, little garden, and all that’.
On class: ‘In a way, we’re not working class any more.’
On equality: ‘Rubbish – bloody rubbish.’ ‘It would never work in practice’. ‘Labour believe that everyone should be equal – except themselves of course’.
On welfare: ‘There will always be the lazy – why should we fill their pockets?’ ‘Why should you pay more tax if you work bloody hard?’ ‘Equality is I can sit back and have it on a plate.’ ‘Some people spend their whole lives on benefit – don’t want to work’.
Who is Labour for?: ‘Labour might be for the working class, but people don’t think they’re working class any more’. Labour is for ‘the poor’, ‘gays and ethnics’. ‘Labour … don’t believe in go-getters – they want everyone to be the same’
]]>Labour’s defeat provoked many inquests. This Fabian Society report asked working class voters in Essex why they remained loyal to the Conservatives. It found they did not trust Labour to manage the economy and believed the party would misspend their taxes. Kinnock’s ‘modernisation’ had made little impact on them. These are some of the views the survey uncovered.
On home ownership: ‘It’s what you would dream of, having your own place, you think I’m doing really well, my own house, nice furniture, little garden, and all that’.
On class: ‘In a way, we’re not working class any more.’
On equality: ‘Rubbish – bloody rubbish.’ ‘It would never work in practice’. ‘Labour believe that everyone should be equal – except themselves of course’.
On welfare: ‘There will always be the lazy – why should we fill their pockets?’ ‘Why should you pay more tax if you work bloody hard?’ ‘Equality is I can sit back and have it on a plate.’ ‘Some people spend their whole lives on benefit – don’t want to work’.
Who is Labour for?: ‘Labour might be for the working class, but people don’t think they’re working class any more’. Labour is for ‘the poor’, ‘gays and ethnics’. ‘Labour … don’t believe in go-getters – they want everyone to be the same’
John Smith believed Labour lost the general election in 1992 because voters found Neil Kinnock unappealing. Smith was confident he had the skills to win over voters. After reducing union influence in the party, in 1993 Smith called a halt to further change.
Conservative troubles meant Labour under John Smith enjoyed a lead in the polls. However in May 1994 he died. Some strongly believe that had Smith lived he would have led the party back to power without the transformations associated with Blair. However, this is an argument that cannot be proven one way or the other.