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Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
<h3>3. The Campaign</h3>
Description
An account of the resource
The 1997 election campaign was unusually long. Prime Minister John Major hoped that six weeks of intense media scrutiny would undermine Tony Blair’s popularity. Instead the campaign only highlighted divisions within the Conservative Party over Europe and further exposed its problem with ‘sleaze’. Labour’s campaign was primarily designed to resonate with voters who had supported the Conservatives since 1979 and to reassure them they had nothing to fear from a Blair government. Blair promised to keep within Conservative spending plans during the first half of his government and maintain the top rate of tax across the Party’s entire term. As a result, some Labour members wondered what Blair offered to the party’s traditional supporters. When in power, however, Chancellor Gordon Brown found ways to fund public services.
Still Image
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Title
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16. Michael Portillo
Subject
The topic of the resource
Conservative Party, election leaflet, 1997
Description
An account of the resource
<p>The Minister of Defence Michael Portillo was just one of many leading Conservative figures to lose their seat to Labour. But Portillo, tipped to be the next leader of his party and a keen disciple of Margaret Thatcher, was a <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BVvWE6V9ulE" target="_blank"> prized victory for the Labour party.</a></p>
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Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
<h3>3. The Campaign</h3>
Description
An account of the resource
The 1997 election campaign was unusually long. Prime Minister John Major hoped that six weeks of intense media scrutiny would undermine Tony Blair’s popularity. Instead the campaign only highlighted divisions within the Conservative Party over Europe and further exposed its problem with ‘sleaze’. Labour’s campaign was primarily designed to resonate with voters who had supported the Conservatives since 1979 and to reassure them they had nothing to fear from a Blair government. Blair promised to keep within Conservative spending plans during the first half of his government and maintain the top rate of tax across the Party’s entire term. As a result, some Labour members wondered what Blair offered to the party’s traditional supporters. When in power, however, Chancellor Gordon Brown found ways to fund public services.
Still Image
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17. Conservative Party and Martin Bell election leaflets, 1997
Subject
The topic of the resource
Election leaflets, 1997
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Despite facing serious legal charges, Neil Hamilton stood as candidate for Tatton. To highlight its hostility to ‘Tory sleaze’ Labour backed the independent Martin Bell who won what was one of the safest Conservative seats in the country.</p>
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Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
<h3>3. The Campaign</h3>
Description
An account of the resource
The 1997 election campaign was unusually long. Prime Minister John Major hoped that six weeks of intense media scrutiny would undermine Tony Blair’s popularity. Instead the campaign only highlighted divisions within the Conservative Party over Europe and further exposed its problem with ‘sleaze’. Labour’s campaign was primarily designed to resonate with voters who had supported the Conservatives since 1979 and to reassure them they had nothing to fear from a Blair government. Blair promised to keep within Conservative spending plans during the first half of his government and maintain the top rate of tax across the Party’s entire term. As a result, some Labour members wondered what Blair offered to the party’s traditional supporters. When in power, however, Chancellor Gordon Brown found ways to fund public services.
Text
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Mullin: 3 April
… there is no disguising the fact that every word he [Tony Blair] utters is designed to pander to the meaner elements of the middle classes, the Sierra owners, as he calls them.
Brandreth: 14 April
What election? It’s a non-event. Nothing happening out there. … Listening to the radio, watching TV, scanning the papers, it’s as though they’re covering a movie of an election, a soap opera, that you can tune into if you’re so inclined ...
Mullin: 15 April
To Tynemouth, one of the North East’s few marginal seats. … We found several former Tories who were coming with us this time. … One woman said the gap between rich and poor had grown too great. I came away heartened.
Brandreth: 24 April
I spoke at Christleton High School at lunch-time. A large crowd, mostly hostile, including a chippy teacher in a black short and seed-packet tie with his hands in his jeans and asked about sleaze. I was loud and theatrical, and almost certainly rather ridiculous.
Mullin: 24 April
We’re going to lose. … The massive rubbishing to which our man [Blair] has been subject is paying off. … We have spent too much time apologising for the past, and it has undermined our credibility. BRITAIN IS BOOMING, DON’T LET LABOUR SPOIL IT, shout the Tory hoardings. They are everywhere, eclipsing our pathetic little promises which no one believes anyway.
Brandreth: 1 May
A little after midnight we donned our glad rags, adjusted our brave faces and made our way up the hill to the Town Hall. … Our result wasn’t due for a couple of hours at least. I spent the time wandering between the press room, the count, and the TV room where a large screen had been erected to display the results. It was so relentlessly bad for us, the other parties’ supporters had stopped cheering. They just looked on amazed.
Mullin 1 May
Not until I reached the count at around 10.30 p.m. and glanced at the table in the centre where the votes were laid out in bundles of a thousand did I realize that something astonishing was about to happen. … Only one little fly in the ointment: the turnout has collapsed ... In some parts of Sunderland less than half of the electorate voted … The alienation is massive. Especially amongst the young.
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18. The election as seen by two candidates.
Description
An account of the resource
Chris Mullin was Labour candidate in the safe Labour seat of Sunderland South while Gyles Brandreth contested the marginal constituency of City of Chester for the Conservatives. Their diaries give an insight into how the 1997 campaign was viewed on the ground.
-
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Title
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<h3>3. The Campaign</h3>
Description
An account of the resource
The 1997 election campaign was unusually long. Prime Minister John Major hoped that six weeks of intense media scrutiny would undermine Tony Blair’s popularity. Instead the campaign only highlighted divisions within the Conservative Party over Europe and further exposed its problem with ‘sleaze’. Labour’s campaign was primarily designed to resonate with voters who had supported the Conservatives since 1979 and to reassure them they had nothing to fear from a Blair government. Blair promised to keep within Conservative spending plans during the first half of his government and maintain the top rate of tax across the Party’s entire term. As a result, some Labour members wondered what Blair offered to the party’s traditional supporters. When in power, however, Chancellor Gordon Brown found ways to fund public services.
Text
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Text
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<p><a href="http://www.ukpolitical.info/1997.htm">Link to UK Political Info 1997 page</a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/2149/How-Britain-Voted-in-1997.aspx">Link to MORI How Britain Voted page</a></p>
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19. The results
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<h3>2. New Labour</h3>
Description
An account of the resource
John Smith was elected Labour leader after the 1992 defeat. In September 1992 John Major’s Conservative government was forced to devalue sterling, raising questions about its handling of the economy. Major also led a party increasingly divided over Europe. Labour as a result did well in opinion polls. While John Smith was happy with the direction Kinnock had taken the party, Tony Blair and other ‘modernisers’ believed Labour needed to be transformed further. Smith’s death in 1994 gave Blair his chance. He won the leadership contest with 57% of the vote. Blair subsequently called for a ‘New Labour’.
The most contentious change Blair made was the revision of Clause IV of its constitution. Adopted in 1918, the clause was a commitment to the full scale nationalisation of the economy. For some, Clause IV was evidence of Labour’s ‘socialist’ values. Others believed it put off many voters. Blair wanted the Clause changed to show voters Labour was truly ‘New Labour’.
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Title
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2 John Smith
Subject
The topic of the resource
Funeral service programme, 1994
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Conservative troubles meant Labour under <a href="http://www.johnsmithmemorialtrust.org/john-smith.aspx" target="_blank">John Smith</a> enjoyed a lead in the polls. However in May 1994 he died. Some strongly believe that had Smith lived he would have led the party back to power without the transformations associated with Blair. However, this is an argument that cannot be proven one way or the other.</p>
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e80e567d5b0fd9678fd38aba4e294634
Dublin Core
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Description
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<p>Labour’s 1983 election manifesto was described as the ‘longest suicide note in history’ because the party committed itself to policies popular with members, but which most voters did not like. Support for the Labour Party collapsed at the 1983 election. After the defeat Neil Kinnock was elected leader. He decided party policy had to be ‘modernised’ if Labour was to recover. The Labour leftwing believed the result was due to the 1982 Falklands War mobilising support for the Conservative government, not Labour’s radical programme. This remains the view of some.</p>
<p>Jeremy Corbyn and Tony Blair were both elected as MPs for the first time in 1983. Corbyn recently called the 1983 manifesto, ‘a very interesting electoral platform’. <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neil_Kinnock" target="_blank">Kinnock’s</a> ‘modernisation’ of policy had limited results. When Labour lost the 1992 election – the fourth in a row – some believed Labour would never win power again.</p>
Title
A name given to the resource
<h3>1. Back from the brink?</h3>
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Publication
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Title
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2 The New Hope for Britain
Subject
The topic of the resource
Labour Party, 1983 manifesto
Description
An account of the resource
<p><a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-32287585" target="_blank">The Labour Party’s 1983</a> manifesto was heavily influenced by the party’s leftwing. It called for unilateral nuclear disarmament, higher taxes, withdrawal from the European Economic Community and greater state control of the economy. The leftwing believed these policies had great appeal but the party slumped to its worst defeat since 1935.</p>
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<h3>4. New Dawn?</h3>
Description
An account of the resource
The Labour leftwing believed Blair committed himself to policies that made it impossible to achieve the party’s most important goal: making society more equal. Conservatives predicted the government would harm the economy through overspending. Looking back, many consider the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the 2008 financial crisis as defining the government’s record. However, if the evidence is varied, there are grounds for believing Labour did make Britain fairer while not crashing the economy. Even Blair’s trusted advisor Peter Hyman thought the Prime Minister had been too wary of alienating the new voters he had done so much to win over. This suggests the government did not argue strongly enough for a Britain radically different to the one it inherited from the Conservatives. But could Labour have done more while it was in power?
Still Image
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2. ‘Blair’s babes’
Subject
The topic of the resource
May 1997
Description
An account of the resource
<p>The 1997 general election increased the number of female MPs to 121. 101 of these were Labour MPs. Women held major ministerial posts for the first time. They included Harriet Harman in the newly created role of Minster for Women, Margaret Beckett as Foreign Secretary and Jacqui Smith as Home Secretary. They were labelled by the media as ‘Blair’s babes’, a tag that columnist <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2001/mar/16/women.labour" target="_blank">Polly Toynbee condemned as misogynist.</a></p>
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Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
<h3>3. The Campaign</h3>
Description
An account of the resource
The 1997 election campaign was unusually long. Prime Minister John Major hoped that six weeks of intense media scrutiny would undermine Tony Blair’s popularity. Instead the campaign only highlighted divisions within the Conservative Party over Europe and further exposed its problem with ‘sleaze’. Labour’s campaign was primarily designed to resonate with voters who had supported the Conservatives since 1979 and to reassure them they had nothing to fear from a Blair government. Blair promised to keep within Conservative spending plans during the first half of his government and maintain the top rate of tax across the Party’s entire term. As a result, some Labour members wondered what Blair offered to the party’s traditional supporters. When in power, however, Chancellor Gordon Brown found ways to fund public services.
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2. Labour left nothing to chance in 1997.
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Events were exclusively designed for the media so as to guarantee the most favourable coverage for the party. In this photograph Tony Blair is surrounded by a carefully selected group of sympathetic nurses, pensioners, children and young parents.
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214c6fa33ffc92a170773bc606d56dee
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<h3>2. New Labour</h3>
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John Smith was elected Labour leader after the 1992 defeat. In September 1992 John Major’s Conservative government was forced to devalue sterling, raising questions about its handling of the economy. Major also led a party increasingly divided over Europe. Labour as a result did well in opinion polls. While John Smith was happy with the direction Kinnock had taken the party, Tony Blair and other ‘modernisers’ believed Labour needed to be transformed further. Smith’s death in 1994 gave Blair his chance. He won the leadership contest with 57% of the vote. Blair subsequently called for a ‘New Labour’.
The most contentious change Blair made was the revision of Clause IV of its constitution. Adopted in 1918, the clause was a commitment to the full scale nationalisation of the economy. For some, Clause IV was evidence of Labour’s ‘socialist’ values. Others believed it put off many voters. Blair wanted the Clause changed to show voters Labour was truly ‘New Labour’.
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3 Changing Clause IV
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<p>In a bold move, Blair used <a href="https://www.c-span.org/video/?60745-1/british-labour-party-conference" target="_blank">his 1994 leader’s speech</a> to call for change. In his 2010 memoirs Blair explained his motives.</p>
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“Of course, as opponents of the change immediately pointed out once it was announced, it was largely symbolic. No one except the far left ever really believed in Clause IV as it was written. In a sense, that was my point: no one believed in it, yet no one dared remove it. What this symbolized, therefore, was not just something redundant in our constitution, but a refusal to confront reality, to change profoundly, to embrace the modern world wholeheartedly. In other words, this symbol mattered. It was a graven image, an idol. Breaking it would also change the psychology in the party that was damaging and reactionary and which was precisely what had kept us in Opposition for long periods. It had meant that although we were able erratically to do well against the Tories in response to their unpopularity, we could not govern consistently on our own merits. For me, therefore, removing Clause IV was not a gimmick or a piece of good PR or a question of drafting; it was vital if Labour was to transform itself.”
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9a8d4ed81dbc7bc98b9f098acf1c1691
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<p>Labour’s 1983 election manifesto was described as the ‘longest suicide note in history’ because the party committed itself to policies popular with members, but which most voters did not like. Support for the Labour Party collapsed at the 1983 election. After the defeat Neil Kinnock was elected leader. He decided party policy had to be ‘modernised’ if Labour was to recover. The Labour leftwing believed the result was due to the 1982 Falklands War mobilising support for the Conservative government, not Labour’s radical programme. This remains the view of some.</p>
<p>Jeremy Corbyn and Tony Blair were both elected as MPs for the first time in 1983. Corbyn recently called the 1983 manifesto, ‘a very interesting electoral platform’. <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neil_Kinnock" target="_blank">Kinnock’s</a> ‘modernisation’ of policy had limited results. When Labour lost the 1992 election – the fourth in a row – some believed Labour would never win power again.</p>
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<h3>1. Back from the brink?</h3>
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3 Tony Benn
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Election Leaflet, 1983
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<p><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/mar/14/tony-benn-obituary" target="_blank">Tony Benn</a> was the figurehead of the Labour Party’s left. He had a strong influence on the party during the 1970s and 1980s. Benn believed the party should stick with the policies of 1983. But such was the scale of the defeat this looked unrealistic even to some of those who had once supported him.</p>